(No) To Vande Mataram!

One has to wonder if the Congress party is a political party in India or if they follow diktats from some other country! Every time there is a gesture that puts the nation first, or any sort of feeling where Indians are to feel proud of their heritage, history, or even their recent achievements, the party, rather startlingly, opposes such sentiment. How does it serve them? Because it certainly does not serve them politically at the national level.

Take the recent controversy around reciting all stanzas of Vande Mataram. The song has always been sidelined by the Congress party. Making Muslim appeasement the central tenet of governance in 1937, the Congress party decided to sing only the first two stanzas to placate the Muslim League and Jinnah. We all know how that worked out in the end. It has been a race to the bottom since then, to the extent that Dr. Manmohan Singh, a two-time Prime Minister, in his feeble voice, underlined that Muslims have first right over India's resources. Another classic example: the Congress party did not officially celebrate Diwali or Dussehra and never wished the country for two of the biggest festivals in India. However, they officially celebrated all Eids throughout the year.

This appeasement has done immeasurable damage to India, and the extent of Muslim appeasement the Congress party engages in is disturbingly scary. Now, not singing Vande Mataram in its entirety is not the worst crime, but it is an indicator of a sick mindset within the Congress party that aligns better with Pakistan's point of view than with the Indian ethos.

Before I move to the next point—how is the current version of the Congress party the same as the Congress party of independence? Even if we set aside Nehru turning the party into his personal fiefdom and ruling over the masses as if he were the last Viceroy of India, the current Congress party is the party Indira Gandhi established. The party she established was called Congress (I), where the "I" stood for Indira! Then, in 1996, the party decided to drop the "I" (since the Election Commission had ruled in 1981 that Congress (I) was the true Congress party) and decided to leech off the legacy of the independence-era Congress party. So, not only are the lords of the Congress party mooching off the Gandhi last name, but they have hijacked the Congress party of independence. And how are they showing this continuity?

Why No to Vande Mataram?

In their infinite wisdom, the Congress party is claiming that they will abide by the 1937 Congress party resolution. The resolution stated that only first two stanzas of the song will be sung. Why? Because the later stanzas evoke the image of Mother India as Goddess and such imagary will not be liked by Muslims. For any sensible person, the obvious question would be: how can a resolution from pre-independence India still be applicable in 2026?  Forget the fact that the resolution was incorrect in 1937 and that appeasing the Muslim League only emboldened them, leading to further schisms that the British very effectively leveraged to divide the continent into three parts and leave behind a cancerous Islamic terrorist state for India to deal with, Is the Congress Party saying that Muslims in India will rise against the rendetion of Vande Mataram? Is situation of 1937 still applicable in 2026? Or perhaps that is the situation the Congress party wants to recreate in modern India?

When the BJP brought the Vande Mataram topic to Parliament, I thought: why waste time on such things? In 1950, Vande Mataram was granted the same status as the National Anthem, so that should have settled the matter once and for all. But by bringing this topic to Parliament again, the BJP and the Modi government have shed a bright light on the arcane and borderline anti-national thought process of the current Congress party dispensation. And boy, the Congress party responded with such vigor that even their ally—the most pro-Muslim party in India, the National Conference of Kashmir—broke ranks with them.

From the days of Gandhi and Nehru, when they could only think about the sentiments and well-being of Muslims, to the Islamic terror attack in Mumbai in 2008, when the ruling Congress party attempted to paint the attack as Hindu terror, the current Congress party has carried this dubious legacy. Unfortunately, such Hindu-hatred and pro-Muslim policies did not hurt the party electorally for a long time. The BJP, during the Modi era, has finally figured out how to make Congress pay for their sinister thought process. I just hope we see more unraveling of the party so the people of India can see their true intentions.

 

Two Own-Goals, When None Needed!

It is bewildering—and deeply frustrating—to watch the government repeatedly find itself on the back foot against ragtag, opportunistic protests operating under the banner of "Gen Z." Very few on the ground actually resemble students preparing for competitive exams like NEET or JEE. Yet, here we are.

The origin of the so-called "Cockroach" movement itself borders on the absurd. The name originated when the Chief Justice of India, referring to individuals infiltrating professions with dubious credentials, made a remark that was quickly spun out of context. It wasn't coined by the government or any cabinet minister. Enter Abhijeet Dipke—sitting comfortably in the US with a long history of AAP activism—who seized on the phrase, launched a viral digital campaign under the "Cockroach" banner, and somehow marshaled the visibility and funding to mobilize street protests alongside veteran activist figures.

However, my greatest frustration and disappointment is not these jobless protesters, who may or may not be funded by foreign powers (who may or may not want to create student-led trouble similar to Bangladesh and Nepal!), but the Modi government, and especially, Modi ji.

A Crisis of Credibility, Not Administration

In my previous post, I highlighted the missteps surrounding the initial NEET paper leak. This was never just a routine administrative failure; it was a crisis of trust. Prime Minister Modi built a deep, personal connection with India’s youth through initiatives like Mann Ki Baat, his Exam Warriors book, and continuous messaging around Yuva Shakti. When so much institutional credibility is anchored to his personal leadership, silence during a major student crisis creates a damaging void.

The defense that leaks have occurred historically, or that swift arrests were made and exams rescheduled, misses the point. Over two months, as public anxiety mounted, the Prime Minister had ample opportunity to address the nation directly, reassure students, and take decisive political action. Accepting accountability early—perhaps by replacing the Education Minister sooner and speaking directly to the youth—would have contained the crisis. Instead, hesitant crisis management allowed fringe agitators to claim victory. By allowing a bunch of suspect, foreign-funded anarchists to strong-arm the government, the Modi government created another unnecessary dent in its credibility. Talk about two own goals when none were needed!

Breaking the Cycle of Agitation

This pattern is becoming all too familiar. From the CAA/NRC demonstrations to the farm law agitation, and now the CJP movement, we repeatedly see legitimate public policy debates hijacked by disruptive political forces. While the government has successfully removed systemic friction within state institutions over the past decade, it continuously struggles to manage public narratives when street protests erupt.

A firm mandate from the electorate is meant to ensure decisive governance, not perpetual capitulation to the loudest agitators. Until the administration learns to preempt these narrative traps and address public anxieties before they are weaponized, constructive policy reform will remain hostage to street politics.

Tactical Masterstroke or Repeated Capitulation?

Already, spin doctors are attempting to reframe this frustrating capitulation as a "masterstroke." The narrative being pushed is that the government surrendered to clear the decks for the upcoming Parliament session and prevent the opposition from washing out key legislative business.

But that excuse rings hollow. The expectations from PM Modi and his government remain extraordinarily high—which is precisely why the vast majority of voters have continued to repose their faith in him over the last 12 years.

Twelve years into power, when will this government learn to effectively counter these agitators? The UPA era stalled development precisely because professional protesters were allowed to dictate government policy. People gave PM Modi a massive mandate to end this culture of political sabotage. While his administration successfully removed these elements from official institutions, it must now dismantle their ability to repeatedly hijack the public narrative on the streets. Only then can genuine democratic debate thrive—focusing on issues that actually affect daily lives, like E20 fuel mandates and heavy petrol taxation, rather than manufactured political outrage.

Warning Signs for BJP and Warning for BJP

The recent assembly election win in West Bengal is historic. It transcends standard electoral politics, carrying massive implications for national security, women’s safety, and the pushback against blatant appeasement politics. It was a mammoth effort by multiple government stakeholders who steadfastly performed their duties in the face of life-threatening situations to ensure a free, safe, and fair election.

Naturally, the BJP cadre is jubilant, and party high functionaries are riding high. While the next general election is still three years away—with critical state elections like Uttar Pradesh lined up in the interim—the BJP cannot afford to remain purely euphoric. The headwinds are picking up pace.

Crucially, these headwinds are not the making of opposition parties, nor are they whipped up by foreign-funded activists. They are the natural outcome of a decade-and-a-half-long rule. Some of these issues are of the BJP’s own making, however inadvertent, while others—like the geopolitical fallout of the Iran crisis leading to global inflation—are entirely out of their control.

Past crisis-management tactics may not suffice here. Unless the BJP and its top leadership take concrete steps now, these headwinds could whip up a silent storm that blows away the election results of 2029.

1. The NEET Fiasco: A Masterclass in Poor Messaging

On the surface, the NEET episode looks like standard bureaucratic incompetence rather than deep-rooted corruption. There is also plausible evidence suggesting external forces purposefully tried to paralyze the system through incessant attacks. Whatever the root cause, the central government completely botched the post-scam messaging.

Dharmendra Pradhan fundamentally failed as a minister. He failed to calm public anxiety, evaded effective media scrutiny, and allowed millions of students to suffer in silence. While a fact-finding committee will eventually uncover how the fiasco happened, the immediate job of the government was to be transparent and rebuild student confidence.

The Need for Leadership Accountability

Since 2014, Prime Minister Modi has cultivated an incredible rapport with India's youth through initiatives like Pariksha Pe Charcha, signaling that student well-being was a top priority. Yet, when a pan-India exam bungled this colossally, his silence was deafening; speaking directly to the students—and apologizing if necessary—should have been at the top of the political agenda. With tragic student suicides tied directly to the NEET fiasco dominating headlines, the government cannot fully detach itself from the responsibility, leaving a palpable public anger that will eventually bite back.

Public anger is palpable. While it may not impact the BJP immediately, it is a compounding resentment that will eventually bite back.

2. The Turncoat Liability: Drawing a Red Line

For the love of God, the BJP must stop welcoming turncoats from opposing parties and aligning with opportunistic defectors.

While it is deeply satisfying to watch the TMC unravel like a deck of cards—given that they operated like a political mafia, bleeding the state dry—we cannot ignore who these turncoats are. These roughly 20 MPs and 60 MLAs suddenly feeling "pangs of conscience" after a resounding defeat were perfectly happy to align with Mamata Banerjee during the darkest days of her rule. They stood by silently through years of political violence, extortion, and targeted communal violence. Most damningly, they were ready to continue with the TMC even after opposition activists were slaughtered following the 2021 assembly elections.

The Pragmatism Trap: The BJP leadership might argue that passing critical legislation (like the UCC, NRC, Delimitation, or anti-conversion bills) requires maximizing Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha strength by any means necessary. There is mathematical logic to that.

However, a ideological red line must be drawn. It is already disheartening to see the political compromises made in Maharashtra with the NCP; the party must not lower itself further by standing in line with former TMC elements.

Voters place their faith in the BJP because of its core ideology and beliefs. If key bills are delayed because the party chooses to wait patiently for a genuine mandate, the voter base will understand. I vividly remember being a supporter of Arvind Kejriwal in 2011 and feeling my gut churn when he eventually shared a podium with Lalu Prasad Yadav. The BJP must not do that mistake.

3. It’s the Economy, Stupid!

The Indian economy has undergone epochal changes since 2014. Income levels, living standards, infrastructure, and national ambition have seen a generational uptick over the last 12 years.

However, the current geopolitical crisis involving Iran has the potential to derail this growth, threatening a tsunami of inflation over the next six months. While this global instability is not the government's fault, domestic vulnerabilities will worsen it. Under the cover of inflation, we often see the worst traits of certain business owners emerge: price gouging and a refusal to pass tax benefits down to consumers.

If household incomes fail to keep pace with real, ground-level inflation, the implications for the 2029 general election will be severe. When citizens see less money staying in their pockets, they get nervous. That is precisely when a maverick opposition politician promising unsustainable freebies can successfully convince voters to jump ship.

Recommended Course Corrections:

• Relief at the Pump: The government needs to aggressively reduce petrol prices over the next couple of years.

• Leadership Transition: The Finance Ministry needs a change in leadership. On the ground, the current leadership does not inspire confidence among taxpayers.

• Tax Stability: The arbitrary nature of both personal and investment taxation must stop.

The UPA-II regime did not just fall because of extreme corruption and weak leadership; it fell because hyperinflation directly wrecked household budgets. While the current situation is far less dire—thanks to a strong Prime Minister and a functioning economy firing on multiple engines—inflation is blind to politics. If left unaddressed, it will wreak havoc.

Conclusion: Confronting Hubris

After 12 years of continuous rule with three more to go in the current term, there is a legitimate worry that political hubris is setting in. Some of the public statements coming out of the Finance Ministry over the last year have verged on arrogant and tone-deaf.

This is not the time for complacency. The economic and governance foundation built over the last decade still requires immense, careful work—and only a focused, grounded government can finish the job.

Poribortan of the East - The Bengal Files!

The recently concluded West Bengal Assembly elections will be remembered as one of the most consequential in India’s political history. The BJP’s decisive victory not only ends 15 years of Trinamool Congress rule but sends strong reverberations across the country’s electoral landscape. It offers the BJP an unprecedented opportunity to govern the entire Ganga-Brahmaputra region, while putting the opposition, particularly regional satraps, on notice.

The Rot of Prolonged Misrule

West Bengal has suffered decades of governance failure—first under the Left Front for nearly 34 years, and then under Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress for another 15. Voters had initially turned to Mamata Banerjee hoping for change from the stagnation and corruption of the Left. Instead, they got a more chaotic and extractive regime. What followed was a toxic mix of incompetence, institutional capture, extortion (“hafta vasooli”), and syndicate raj. Major scams — from the Saradha Chit Fund to Rose Valley and the teachers’ recruitment scandal — became symbols of systemic loot. Industrial flight accelerated as investors fled the uncertainty, political violence, and constant extortion. Infrastructure lagged, jobs dried up, and Bengal continued to fall behind other states that benefited from central schemes. The administration was reduced to a family-centric fiefdom where loyalty mattered more than competence. Police and bureaucracy were politicized. Complaints of goonda raj were routinely ignored as long as the ruling party’s money-making machinery remained untouched. The result: a steady exodus of talent, capital, and hope.

Appeasement, Demographic Engineering, and Violence

Mamata Banerjee’s political formula relied heavily on consolidating the Muslim vote bank, which included large-scale infiltration from Bangladesh. In return for this support, the government was often seen as bending over backwards — from resisting border fencing to selective enforcement of law and order. Incidents of communal tension, attacks on Hindu festivals, land encroachment in border areas, and cattle smuggling were either downplayed or ignored. The Sandeshkhali atrocities, post-poll violence after 2021, and targeted attacks on BJP workers exposed the regime’s willingness to use violence as a political tool. Sexual violence was allegedly weaponized to silence dissent. The administration’s selective outrage and open defiance of central authorities on national security issues further alienated large sections of the population.
This hubris eventually became the regime’s undoing. What began as clever electoral arithmetic was increasingly perceived as anti-national cynicism and majoritarian persecution of the state’s Hindu population.

BJP’s Organizational Learning and Central Resolve

The BJP’s 2021 performance (winning 77 seats from near zero) showed promise but fell short due to organizational gaps and post-poll reprisals. This time, the party ran a sharper campaign, corrected past mistakes, and positioned itself as the credible alternative.

Crucially, the Central Government and the Election Commission learned from 2021. Key interventions included:

• Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls to remove illegal and duplicate voters — a constitutionally mandated exercise that faced fierce resistance from TMC.
• Large-scale deployment of central forces (CRPF) to ensure free and fair polling, independent of state police control.
• Firm backing from the courts, which largely rejected attempts to obstruct the election process.

These steps helped create an environment where voters felt safer to express their true preference. The contrast with the fear and intimidation of previous elections was stark.

A New Chapter for Bengal

The people of West Bengal have spoken decisively. After enduring years of misrule, corruption, and fear, they chose change. The BJP now has a historic mandate to transform the state — from rebuilding industry and infrastructure to restoring law and order and economic dignity.

For Modi and Shah, this presents a rare opportunity to deliver visible development in India’s east and prove that “double engine” governance can work even in challenging political terrain. The road ahead won’t be easy. The new government must focus on healing divisions, attracting investment, and delivering governance that rises above the cycle of vendetta and appeasement.

Kudos to the Election Commission and central forces for their professionalism under difficult circumstances, and most importantly, to the voters of Bengal for showing courage and rejecting the politics of fear and entitlement.

Poriborton has finally arrived.

The Rise of AAP and Fall of P'AAP!

The recent collapse in AAP’s fortunes is both ironic and deeply satisfying. What began as a seemingly unstoppable “aam aadmi” revolution has unraveled with remarkable speed. Delhi, once its impregnable fortress, fell decisively in the February 2025 assembly elections. The party was reduced to just 22 seats out of 70, with Arvind Kejriwal himself losing from New Delhi to BJP’s Parvesh Verma. BJP stormed back to power in the capital after 27 years. Then, in April 2026, came another body blow: seven of AAP’s ten Rajya Sabha MPs, including prominent faces like Raghav Chadha and Swati Maliwal, merged with the BJP. The party that once positioned itself as the clean, principled alternative now looks like a crumbling edifice.

This is not mere electoral misfortune. It feels like the systematic dismantling of a political project that rose by weaponizing public anger but ultimately betrayed the very ideals it claimed to champion.

The Rise: Tapping into Genuine Rage — With an Orchestrated Touch?

In the early 2010s, India was simmering with discontent. The UPA-II government under Manmohan Singh was mired in massive corruption scandals — 2G, coal, CWG — policy paralysis, high inflation, and frequent terror incidents. Public trust in the system had hit rock bottom. Arvind Kejriwal skillfully rode this wave. Aligning first with Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption movement, he projected himself as the earnest activist. The protests were energetic, well-organized, and unusually well-funded for a grassroots effort. In hindsight, the AAP’s rapid rise — even before it formally adopted the name — bears an uncanny resemblance to the timelines and choreography of the Arab Spring movements, which were widely rumored to have received backing from Western intelligence agencies and foundations to destabilize regimes. Kejriwal’s own NGOs had received funding from organizations like the Ford Foundation, and he was awarded the Ramon Magsaysay Award in 2006. While AAP has always dismissed such links as baseless and aimed at supporting RTI work, the pattern of lavish resources, slick media management, and a perfectly timed anti-corruption storm raises legitimate questions. Was this entirely an organic outpouring of public frustration, or was there an element of external orchestration at play — similar to how certain color revolutions and regime-change movements have been supported abroad? The sudden flush of cash, the disciplined messaging, and Kejriwal’s swift pivot from activist to politician suggest it may not have been a purely indigenous phenomenon.

Whatever the backstage support (if any), Kejriwal tapped into real anger masterfully. He soon broke away, formed the Aam Aadmi Party, and promised a new kind of politics — transparent, accountable, and free from dynasties and corruption.

The timing was perfect. In Delhi and later Punjab, voters were exhausted by Congress and regional parties’ hubris and scandals. AAP swept to power in Delhi in 2015 and 2020, and achieved a landslide in Punjab in 2022. For a while, it seemed like a genuine people’s movement. But cracks appeared early. Kejriwal quickly sidelined original allies — the Bhushans, Yogendra Yadav, and even Anna Hazare faded from the scene. Promises were abandoned with ease: “We will not form a political party,” “We are not hungry for power,” “We will never compromise on principles.” What followed was classic power politics, complete with purges and the installation of loyalists.

The Paap: Hypocrisy and Overreach

Once in power, governance often took a backseat to confrontation and ambition. AAP’s signature style became relentless fights with the Lieutenant Governor, the Centre, and anyone who disagreed. The “holier than thou” image began to crack under allegations of financial irregularities, especially the controversial Delhi excise policy. Enforcement Directorate probes have also highlighted irregularities in foreign donations received by the party between 2014 and 2022.

Particularly damaging were certain political choices that crossed personal and national red lines:
• Kejriwal’s attempt to drag Prime Minister Modi’s wife into election rhetoric was crude and counterproductive. It added nothing substantive but revealed a willingness to stoop low for headlines.
• After the 2016 Uri surgical strikes, Kejriwal’s statements — offering a “salute” to the Army while immediately demanding “proof” in a manner that echoed Pakistani talking points — eroded the credibility he once enjoyed among middle-class voters. At a time when national security sentiment was high, this came across as opportunistic.

Kejriwal’s ambition always seemed national, yet his party struggled to expand meaningfully beyond Delhi and Punjab. The reliance on drama, freebies, and centralized control around one man created structural weaknesses.

The Reckoning

Hubris eventually invited downfall. The liquor policy case became a symbol of how far the party had strayed from its founding promises. Central agencies moved in, several top leaders faced arrest, and Kejriwal was forced to step down as Chief Minister. His attempt to install his wife as a proxy, reminiscent of Lalu Prasad Yadav’s tactics, failed to impress voters.In the 2025 Delhi elections, the people delivered a clear verdict. Kejriwal, Manish Sisodia, and other heavyweights lost. The “Delhi model” that was once sold aggressively no longer convinced enough voters. The recent exodus of seven Rajya Sabha MPs to the BJP in April 2026 has further exposed the hollowness — when power and positions vanish, loyalty evaporates. Legal proceedings in the excise policy case continue, with Kejriwal recently refusing to appear before the Delhi High Court, citing lack of faith in the process. The Modi-Shah duo appears to have treated AAP not just as a political rival but as a force that needed to be neutralized at every level — electorally, legally, and organizationally. Whether one calls it strategic mastery or vendetta, the result is the same: AAP’s national relevance has been severely diminished.

Lessons for Voters and Politicians

AAP’s story is a textbook case of what happens when a party built on anti-corruption rhetoric succumbs to the same sins it once condemned. It exploited the genuine frustration of the 2010s middle class and aspirational voters, only to deliver theatrics, internal dictatorship, and questionable governance in return. If external influences helped accelerate its rise, the eventual fall shows that Indian voters and institutions ultimately prioritize accountability over imported narratives. Indian voters have shown maturity. They rewarded AAP when it felt fresh; they punished it when the mask slipped. This should serve as a warning to all political parties: charisma and slogans have limits. Delivery, integrity, and humility matter in the long run.

As for Kejriwal’s future — with Delhi lost, legal cases lingering, and key leaders defecting, the party’s national project looks severely wounded. Punjab remains its last major bastion, but even there, performance will be tested in the coming years.

The systematic weakening of AAP carries a clear message: In Indian democracy, no one is untouchable. Parties that forget they serve the people rather than their own messianic ambitions eventually pay the price — regardless of who may have helped them rise.
What comes next for the remnants of AAP? Can it reinvent itself as a credible regional force in Punjab, or will it fade into another footnote of Indian political history — a bright spark that burned out due to its own contradictions?
The coming years will tell. But one thing is certain: the “aam aadmi” deserves better than what AAP ultimately delivered.

The Current Iran Conflict - The No-Endgame Game!

The ongoing Iran conflict—whether we call it a limited war or something more escalating—isn’t entirely surprising in hindsight. The timing does raise eyebrows, as some argue the U.S. establishment, amid domestic controversies like the Epstein saga, might have escalated to divert public attention. That theory has a certain plausibility, but rather than dwelling on why the U.S. and Israel might have initiated or intensified hostilities, let’s shift perspective: What has driven Iran to pursue confrontation for decades? More intriguingly, what endgame do the Iranian mullahs envision, regardless of the war’s outcome?

The 1979 Islamic Revolution rested on two pillars: religious faith and deep-seated enmity toward the United States (and, by extension, Israel). The faith-based element, however irrational it may seem to outsiders, has historical precedents. Many countries in the Islamic world—especially those founded on religious zealotry—claim to uphold Islamic values and protect Muslims. Some, like Turkey, draw on imperial legacies. These nations often band together in forums like the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to advance shared geopolitical and strategic interests against non-Islamic powers. Beneath the surface of religious fervor, however, most maintain pragmatic dealings with the wider world. Trade has no religion, and the non-Islamic world remains dominant. Countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, and the UAE have thrived by adopting sound economic policies, attracting talent, and pursuing rational foreign relations. Even Turkey, despite its assertive Islamic rhetoric, aligns with NATO and sees itself as part of Europe.

Iran’s mullahs, however, chose a radically different path—one that has led straight to the current, seemingly unwinnable confrontation.

Iran’s leadership blends intense Shiite religious zealotry with a sense of historical destiny rooted in Iran’s pre-Islamic Persian heritage. (As an aside, Iran was a Sunni state till 17th century when it made a drastic shift towards Shiasm) While the ancient civilization boasts genuine achievements, the mullahs cannot credibly claim direct lineage to that glory. They selectively invoke the past while imposing their theocratic vision, positioning themselves as the ultimate protectors of Shiasm and—ambitiously—the rightful leaders of the entire Muslim world. Public bluster is one thing; making such delusions a core governing principle is another.

Shortly after the revolution, Iran plunged into an eight-year war with Iraq (1980–1988), costing perhaps a million lives with little territorial or strategic gain. One ironic outcome: Iran shed its role as a Western-aligned pawn under the Shah, while Iraq briefly became one. Meanwhile, Iran shifted to asymmetric warfare, building proxy networks in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and elsewhere. It funneled billions to groups like Hamas and Hezbollah, stirring anti-Israel sentiment among non-Sunni populations to expand influence.

From a geopolitical standpoint, proxy meddling makes sense only if it yields tangible benefits—much like Western interventions often protect economic interests. But what has Iran realistically gained from endless anti-Israel rhetoric and support for militias? Slogans about “wiping Israel off the map” have produced little beyond reciprocal threats and sermons. Yet Tehran has persisted, seemingly convinced that such hostility would elevate it as the preeminent Islamic power and leader of the ummah.

This ambition to dominate the Islamic world by variety of Islamic zealots dates back centuries and has rarely succeeded. For Iran, it has backfired spectacularly, leading not to regional hegemony but to isolation, sanctions, and now direct military pressure. Decades of 'investment' evaporated in last three years since Hamas is decimated (along with 50,000 Palestinians!), Hizbollah already in ashes, Syria and Lebanon quickly overthrowing the Assads. The so called geo-strategy now in complete ruins. 

Iranian army has done a great job in countering initial US-Israeli onslaught by effectively closing the gulf passage. Iran, and we should tip our hat at their brilliant strategy, made this war everyone's business - anyone who uses petrol or LPG gas, is now 'at war' here. How long before US and Israel claim 'victory' and back down? A week more? Two weeks? 

The real tragedy falls on Iran’s common people, who endure economic hardship, repression, and the costs of perpetual conflict. Paradoxically, ongoing tensions often strengthen the regime’s grip: external threats justify internal crackdowns, rally nationalist support, and sustain the narrative of resistance against “arrogant powers.” The mullahs themselves live in luxury, insulated from the suffering they inflict.